The "Social Justice" Attempt to Portray a Gandhian Pacifist as a Class Warrior

Melinda D. Anderson, in Teaching MLK's Life—the Man, Not the Myth, implies that his was a "social justice" (i.e., class warfare) message, not the "mainstream" message it is made out to be:

The Chicago teacher Gregory Michie says his lessons on the social-justice icon are designed to upend what he views as a simplistic and clichéd image often presented in schools. Since many of his students know King’s famous excerpt hoping for a day when no one is judged by the color of their skin, Michie’s social-studies class zeroes in on lesser-known sections of the “I Have a Dream” speech, like the “fierce urgency of now” and “tranquilizing drug of [white] gradualism.” The youngsters quickly realize that they’ve never really heard the full message of the speech, he said, and “it’s a lot more nuanced, and more fiery, than they’d thought.”

As the country observes the federal holiday named in King’s honor, it seems that schools are increasingly coming under sharp criticism from educators and activists for their approach to teaching King’s life. Some question a sanitized teaching of the black civil-rights movement, its leaders, and other struggles for social justice that denies students an accurate and complete account of history. These debates are complicated by the inherent professional dangers in teaching through a social-justice lens.

In her book Language, Culture, and Teaching, the multicultural educator and author Sonia Nieto writes that schools in attempting to make King “palatable to the mainstream … have made [him] a milquetoast.”

But King cites Lincoln, who emphatically rebuts the class warfare skepticism about the sincerity and legitimacy of the Declaration and the Constitution. (Previous blog posts have noted that Lincoln in numerous speeches and writings decisively refuted many of the derogatory assertions in The Atlantic's Reparations series (here, here and here, among others.) ) More to the point, this is the speech where MLK himself affirms the mainstream:

I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." ...

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

In these passages King rejects the social justice dogma that the principles in the Declaration and the Constitution are hypocritical; and the dogma that assigns ineradicable class based on skin color.

Ms. Anderson's implied argument—that portraying King as a great American who employed peaceful democratic persuasion to achieve his ends is a "myth"—is deeply dishonest and maliciously divisive. Her article's appearance in The Atlantic is another example of the way class warfare ideology corrupts the editorial judgment of "progressive" journalism.

Well may Anderson complain about "the inherent professional dangers in teaching through a social-justice lens." In King's case, doing so is morally wrong not because it makes the mainstream uncomfortable, but because it is untrue.

Trump's Tribalism Does Not Belong in a Nation Founded on Principles

In Clinton’s Values vs. Trump’s Tribalism, Slate's William Saletan connects presidential year politics to the Enlightenment values of the Founders:

In a shared-values framework, foreign peoples and faith traditions aren’t necessarily your enemies. They can be objects of empathy. [Hillary] Clinton drew an analogy between Trump’s proposed ban on Muslims and an infamous U.S. exclusion of Jewish refugees: “We remember the nearly 1,000 Jews aboard the St. Louis who were refused entry in 1939 and sent back to Europe. ... If you see bigotry, oppose it. If you see violence, condemn it. If you see a bully, stand up to him.”

America was founded on values, unlike the other nations which existed at the time, which were founded on kinship. (France was the ethnic French; Spain was the "Spaniards," etc.) The Enlightenment values in the Declaration and the Constitution—equality, natural rights, and government by the people—defined the infant nation, and define us today. Allan Bloom asserted that "it is possible to become an American in a day" (by adopting America's democratic values), while in France it is still debated, he argued, whether Jews (who have been there for centuries) are "constitutively French."

The various forms of kinship politics, by operating in the ad hominem terms of identity rather than the universal principles of liberal democracy, are inevitably behind the times. Backward.

The right's current practice of judging people in terms of religion, which Saletan describes in dissecting Trump's politics; and the left's current class warfare identity politics, are both outdated and dysfunctional. They elevate partisan factionalism and self-interest above principled values and the public good. Saletan argues that such tribalism tends toward "barbarism": "When tribalism is your only guide, reluctance to use extreme measures is weakness. ... The real enemy is barbarism, and it can infiltrate your soul."

Kinship politics is the politics of class, a tribal arrangement utterly foreign to the spirit of the Constitution. Last week Mark Joseph Stern reminded us that, as Justice John Marshall Harlan stated, the Constitution "neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens." ... "In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law."

Discussing North Carolina’s New Anti-LGBTQ Law, Stern notes:

HB 2 is also unconstitutional—not maybe unconstitutional, or unconstitutional-before-the-right-judge, but in total contravention of established Supreme Court precedent. In fact, the court dealt with a very similar law in 1996’s Romer v. Evans, when it invalidated a Colorado measure that forbade municipalities from passing gay nondiscrimination ordinances.

Stern reminds us that even a democratically elected legislature is not permitted to practice class warfare against a group of citizens it does not like:

As the court explained in Romer, the Equal Protection Clause forbids a state from “singl[ing] out a certain class of citizens” and “impos[ing] a special disability upon those persons alone.” Such a law is “inexplicable by anything but animus toward the class it affects,” and under the 14^th Amendment, “animosity” toward a “politically unpopular group” is not a “proper legislative end.” Just like the law invalidated in Romer, HB 2 “identifies persons by a single trait”—gay or trans identity—“and then denies them protection across the board.” The Equal Protection Clause cannot tolerate this “bare desire to harm” minorities.

The lawlessness of the brand of Republicanism which has developed since the 1980 presidential election has come home to roost, degrading the United States to banana republic politics in which scores of millions imagine that an utterly unpresidential scoundrel like Trump could legitimately occupy the White House; and North Carolina attempts legislated bigotry expressly forbidden by the Supreme Court to Colorado twenty years earlier.

Jacob Weisberg: "An America in which Trump can represent one of the major parties feels like a very different country from the one many of us thought we lived in."

Saletan, Hayek: Trump Reveals What's Wrong with Conservatism

Recently William Saletan: wrote, "What caused Trump was the GOP’s decision to negate Obama in every way, and thereby become the party of Trump."

The reason may be found in a fundamental characteristic of conservatism: its tropism toward wholesale obstructionism, derived from a fundamental lack of political ideas and a resulting tendency to define itself by opposition to its opponents' ideas and practices. Half a century ago F. A. Hayek, in his landmark "Why I Am Not a Conservative," [PDF] wrote:

Let me now state what seems to me the decisive objection to any conservatism which deserves to be called such. It is that by its very nature it cannot offer an alternative to the direction in which we are moving. It may succeed by its resistance to current tendencies in slowing down undesirable developments, but, since it does not indicate another direction, it cannot prevent their continuance. It has, for this reason, invariably been the fate of conservatism to be dragged along a path not of its own choosing. ... Conservatism fears new ideas because it has no distinctive principles of its own to oppose them. (Emphasis added)

"Why I Am Not A Conservative" argues that conservatism has no "distinctive principles" of its own, and seems to imply that at any given moment it defines itself by opposition to its opponents' ideas. (Even though this leaves conservatives with an incoherent outlook.)

In Obama Didn't Create Trump, Saletan begins:

Everything that’s wrong with America is Barack Obama’s fault. That’s what Republican politicians have told themselves and the public for eight years. It began before Obama took office, when Republicans blamed him for a recession that started on their watch. Now they’re blaming Obama for the rise of their own presidential front-runner, Donald Trump.

The delusion that Obama caused Trump has been building since last year. This week, it reached the last bastion of rationality on the right: New York Times columnist Ross Douthat. Douthat has a long track record of fairness and good sense. When the madness infects even him, it’s time to clear the air. No, Obama didn’t cause Trump. What caused Trump was the GOP’s decision to negate Obama in every way, and thereby become the party of Trump.

The result is incoherence and moral bankruptcy:

Nevertheless, Republicans opposed Obama at every turn. Whatever he embraced, they rejected. They refused to compromise on health care or offer a realistic alternative. They staged dozens of votes to repeal the new health-insurance law in its entirety. They forced a federal shutdown to protest the law. They took the nation’s credit rating hostage in a debt-ceiling showdown. They urged Iran to reject a nuclear nonproliferation agreement with the United States.

A consequence of knee-jerk oppositionalism is that, where your opponent pursues wise and constructive political positions, you tend to be maneuvered into foolish and destructive positions:

If Obama had been a leftist, the GOP’s policy of negating him on every issue might have positioned Republicans in the mainstream. Instead, because Obama was a moderate, the GOP’s negation strategy pushed it toward the fringe. Obama was for fiscal responsibility and compromise, so Republicans were for absolutism and drama, risking a federal shutdown and a credit default. Obama was for respecting the Supreme Court, so the GOP was for defying judicial orders. Obama was for using sanctions to pressure Iran into a nuclear deal, so Republicans were for scrapping the deal and daring Iran to provoke a war. Obama, like Bush, was for drawing a clear distinction between terrorists and Muslims. So Republicans were for blurring that distinction.

Furthermore, if your opponents' leader is temperate and decent, the blind pursuit of difference may result in the selection of a dissimulating, bigoted, immature, bully:

In Trump, Republican voters have found their anti-Obama. Trump spurns not just political correctness, but correctness of any kind. He lies about Muslims and 9/11, insults women and people with disabilities, accuses a judge of bias for being Hispanic, and hurls profanities. Trump validates the maxim that in presidential primaries, the opposition party tends to choose a candidate who differs temperamentally from the incumbent. Obama is an adult. Therefore, Republicans are nominating a child.

Saletan adds, "And what Obama wasn’t—insecure, bitter, vindictive, xenophobic, sectarian—is what the GOP, in the era of Trump, has become."

There are disturbing parallels between the rise of Trump and the dissolution of the German democracy in the early thirties of the last century:

• An implied Leader Principle(1) (Trump, with his daring, will save us from our unresponsive elected leaders)
• An emphasis on strength and power (see next item)
• Scorn for "weak" democratic decencies. (A commentator, to Conor Friedersdorf: "It is profoundly ugly when Trump just gleefully says, more or less, I love torture and we’re going to be doing a lot of it.")
• A contempt for civil liberties (Friedersdorf: A pol who seeks to gain power by demonizing ethnic-minority groups and threatening their core rights is engaged in a special category of leadership failure.)
• Expulsion, sometimes violent, of opponents from public meetings
• The belief that Trump is too bombastic, too offensive, too overbearing to survive the electoral process of a modern democracy

(1) Google Führerprinzip

The president “shall nominate.” Who better than one who's been elected twice?

A quick note: Prominent Republican Party representatives say that the Supreme Court vacancy created by Justice Scalia's death shouldn't be filled by someone nominated by the current president. The choice of the people, as represented by this fall's presidential election, should be honored, they say.

Actually, the current president, having been twice elected by a majority of the American people, better represents the people's choice than the untested, unproven person who will be elected in November. A reasonable argument can be made that the current presumptive Republican front runner, Donald Trump, may well not last out his first term, let alone win a second presidential election, should his wild rhetoric be matched by correspondingly tumultuous, egotistic, and reckless action.

Our next president-elect, whatever their party, will be a first-timer to that daunting position, with a great deal to learn, whose worthiness is still to be demonstrated.

Doesn’t it make sense, as Ruth Marcus wrote, that we “defer” to the votes Americans already cast? She added:

Listen to the Republicans, in the Senate or on the campaign trail, arguing for inaction. Their claims proceed from the position of raw power, not constitutional language.

As her Washington Post article "The GOP’s dangerously dogmatic Supreme Court obstructionism," argues:

It would be bad for the country ... Citizens deserve conclusive answers on issues important enough to reach the high court, and divisive enough to split the justices, whether that involves Obama’s executive actions on immigration, Texas’s restrictive abortion law or the role of public-sector unions. They also deserve a functioning political process. Refusing to go forward would serve to deepen and entrench the existing partisanship and ensuing gridlock.

Finally, a Senate work stoppage would, in fact, be bad for Republicans. In the nation’s capital these days, everything is political, every institution politicized. That may be inevitable and irreparable, yet tables here have a way of turning. One party’s obstructionism ends up hurting it down the road. ...

History offers no refuge for Republicans here. Grassley’s argument that it has been “standard practice” that nominees are not confirmed during an election year conveniently ignores the fact that such vacancies are thankfully rare. There is no standard practice. 

The presidential candidates have been even more strident. I’ll single out Ted Cruz, because he’s both a former Supreme Court clerk and a current member of the Senate Judiciary Committee. 

“We should not allow a lame-duck president to essentially capture the Supreme Court in the waning months of his presidency,” Cruz told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos on Sunday. 

Capture? Read the Constitution, senator. The president “shall nominate.” Not “shall” unless some unwritten nominate-by date has passed. So much for strict constructionism and conservatives who bleat about their fealty to the constitutional text. 

The Senate is authorized to advise and consent. It is not entitled to conduct a constitutional sit-down strike.

As Eric Stock wrote in ‘Bad politics’ to fight Obama on justice nomination:

Many prominent Republicans have called for President Barack Obama to hold off on nominating a new Supreme Court justice to replace the late Antonin Scalia, but a GOP consultant rejects that idea.
Former Illinois Republican Party chairman Pat Brady told WJBC’s Scott Laughlin the president can nominate whomever he wants, whenever he wants, but GOP senators who don’t like it can simply vote down the nominee.
“If you really want to kill a nomination, there are about a billion ways to do that,” Brady said. “To jump up and say we just aren’t going to listen to the president is bad politics.”
Several Republican presidential candidates have said the president is a lame duck and the issue should be left for the voters to decide.
“It’s bad for the image (Democrats) like to portray Republicans as obstructionists,” Brady said. “It just plays into that.”

This whole business reflects an underlying abuse of a central idea of the First World: impartial justice. Think about the word "impartial": It means non-partisan.

A Short Note on "Cultural Appropriation"

"Cultural appropriation" is a backward idea. Universities share culture wholesale and have for centuries—that's how we got our worldwide civilization. Every printing press is Chinese, but the printing press didn't revolutionize society until the Europeans got hold of it. By contrast every electrical device and every motor in the world is European, but would you deny cars and smart phones to Africa and Asia?

Re more "cultural" culture, if "our" classical music and fine arts are appreciated around the world, glad you like them. Imitation is the sincerest flattery. As for the little blonde girl that wanted to dress up as Mulan for Halloween, if you object I have something to say to you:

Shame on you.

The strange notion that culture is property comes from class warfare ideology anyway; and do you want to be promoting a world view based on enmity and selfishness in the first place?

Cooperation, Trust, Communication and Productivity vs. the Doctrines of Class Warfare

From Andrew Sullivan's Daily Dish a couple of years back:

Bruce Schneier:

In today’s society, we need to trust not only people, but institutions and systems. It’s not so much that I trusted the particular pilot who flew my plane this morning, but the airline that produces well-trained and well-rested pilots according to some schedule. And it’s not so much that I trusted the particular taxi driver, but instead the taxi licensing system and overall police system that produced him. Similarly, when I used an ATM this morning — another interesting exercise in trust — it’s less that I trusted that particular machine, bank, and service company — but instead that I trusted the national banking system to debit the proper amount from my bank account back home.

Here’s how I like to look at it. All complex ecosystems require cooperation. This is true for biological ecosystems, social systems, and sociotechnical systems. Also, in any cooperative system, there also exists an alternative parasitical strategy. Examples include tapeworms in your digestive tract, thieves in a market, spammers on e-mail, and people who refuse to pay their taxes. These parasites can only survive if they’re not too successful. That is, if their number gets too large or too powerful, the underlying system collapses.

The modern world is based on cooperation, sharing, trust, communication, altruism, and productivity; it is about friendship, not warfare. You become wealthy by creating wealth. This requires free people, and particularly freedom of thought and freedom of speech. It requires tolerance, because free thought, when it produces the new ideas a vital society needs, produces opinions which vary from the received wisdom. "If one thinks fearlessly one cannot be politically orthodox." (1)

This is particularly so in the university, which Robert Pirsig called The Church of Reason. Conor Friedersdorf recently called attention to the intolerance of a current form of activism:

Whether they wish to hear it or not, the most serious mistake these activists are making is intolerance. ...

Intolerance is not an absence of politeness. I did not argue that the Yale activists are intolerant because they failed to be demure or to please everyone. And while I noted that some activists spat on people leaving a lecture––surely an intolerant act––even that wasn’t at the core of my critique.

I called the Yale activists intolerant because it was not enough for them to protest an email that they found wrongheaded; it was not enough to fully air their grievances in multiple public forums and at the home of its author; it was not enough for Nicholas and Ericka Christakis to listen attentively to student critiques and to express heartfelt regret that the email hurt feelings; rather, the student activists demanded that the couple renounce the substance of their beliefs, or else face public shaming and an effort to remove them from their position. Never mind that Christakis believed what she wrote. She had to reverse her position, or else.

That is what I believe to be intolerant: a refusal to agree to disagree, however passionately and impolitely; a rejection of the notion that earnest differences held by people of good faith are not cause for punishment, even if they are mistaken, or unwittingly insensitive, or give offense; a stance that amounts to “error has no rights.”

In November's post on the doctrines of class warfare, Point 7 argued that class warfare

Is anti-intellectual .... There are no "neutral" intellectual positions, free from constraints and considerations extraneous to pure intellectual matters. There is no justification for socially constructed intellectual propositions which are blithely ignorant of the plight of the oppressed (see "state of emergency," ...).

Truth is what serves the cause.

Chris Bodenner, in Notes on The Authoritarian Turn of Academia, quotes a reader who notices the authoritarian tinge of the class warfare approach:

This liberal-minded reader worries about it:

My fiancee is a Mizzou alumna, and we got into a brief squabble about this the other night. It’s frustrating because she kept insisting that I wasn’t there and couldn’t know what the protesters had endured during their time on campus. She wouldn’t hear my argument that preserving free speech is important no matter what the situation, even though I agree with the cause of the protesters just as much as she does. I couldn’t seem to make her understand that their situation doesn’t excuse their attempted suppression of the free speech of others.

Once that line has been crossed, all the opposition has to do is say “but they did the exact same thing.” And they can hit back with the same approach but with much more cultural and institutional power behind it.

In other words, inroads to authoritarian behavior, even in the service of a noble cause, always lead to the use of authoritarian behavior against the people who first look to it as a line of defense. By preserving First Amendment rights, the protesters might make a slightly longer road for themselves in the short term, but they will also ensure that road doesn’t lead them into a box canyon of their own making.

The activist, class warfare approach, wherever it is examined, tends to be dysfunctional. Tolerance and freedom of speech are not only morally laudable, they work better than narrow-minded censorship.


(1) Orwell, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Prevention_of_Literature

Preliminary Notes on the Effect of the Class Warfare Paradigm on Our Public Discourse

Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved. - Justice Harlan, Plessy v. Ferguson

Class Warfare: 

1. Against political democracy, which by definition includes all the people. Proposes rule by the oppressed rather than government (not rule) by the people.
2. Rejects equality. The oppressed class and the oppressor class do not consist of people who are equal but, in the latter case, are in error and need to be corrected. Class warfare considers the wrongness of the oppressor class to be existential, and in that sense, a wickedness which is incorrigible and cannot be corrected.
3. Rejects the rule of law. Class warfare regards the supposed protections and rights of the existing body of law as hypocritical, benefiting only members of the oppressor class. After all, the justice system and its laws allow the existing system of oppression, don't they?
4. Arrogates to itself two things belonging to the justice system in civilized societies: Determination of guilt; and administration of punishment (Example: “Who wants to help me get this reporter out of here? I need some muscle over here.”).*
5. Is inherently ad hominem. The narratives produced by members of oppressed groups are considered true because to recognize the true state of things—one is oppressed and not a member of a free democratic society—confers authenticity lacked by membership in an oppressor group.**
6. Employs a double standard in many areas. For example, members of oppressor groups do not have the same rights as the oppressed. Discrimination by the oppressed against oppressors is approved, but oppressors are accused of discriminatory attitude and conduct.
7. Is anti-intellectual (see 5). There are no "neutral" intellectual positions, free from constraints and considerations extraneous to pure intellectual matters. There is no justification for socially constructed intellectual propositions which are blithely ignorant of the plight of the oppressed (see "state of emergency," below). It is the duty of faculty members to use their platform to unmask oppression and advocate change.
8. Rejects normative concepts of civility, decency, and nonviolence as contributing to structural oppression. (Cf. "repressive tolerance") When modern democratic states give the police and the National Guard a monopoly on legitimate violence, they seek to render the oppressed powerless to fight for justice.
9. Can only achieve its objective through revolution, not by leveraging the structures (elected representatives, the justice system) of the existing oppressive society.
10. State of emergency which overrides all other considerations. Until the present existing state of monstrous injustice is rectified, no one has the right to pursue their own selfish interests. Everyone must be involved in the struggle. "Your silence will not save you."

Remarks by Kate W. to The Atlantic's Chris Bodenner illustrate class warfare influences in current publications. He begins:

Next is a blistering critique from Kate W., who doesn’t want to use her last name “because I work in professional circles (the arts and news media) where anti-Coatesism is frowned upon big time”

What she means is that Ta-Nehisi Coates, who began playing the race card when he leveled the charge of "white supremacy" against the mainstream, is the beneficiary of the oppressor group member double standard. Who he is, according to class warfare dogma, trumps [her] critique of his articles. (5 and 6, above)

She says,

2. Mr. Coates claims that the death of Prince Jones is his political “origin story.” He writes, “After Prince, I fully accepted the laws of gravity.” You see, Mr. Coates is the Reluctant Warrior. This as a very old gimmick but apparently still packs a rhetorical punch for some people. Mr. Coates didn’t want to be in a rage with “White America”! He was just minding his own business when Prince Jones (a friendly acquaintance) was killed by a racist policeman (who happens to be black, but that fact is irrelevant for his purposes) and then Mr. Coates found his worldview rocked. He was now radicalized and fully awake to the horrors of the racist country he lived in.

I’m sorry, but given the fact that Mr. Coates was raised by two political activists—one of whom is a former Black Panther—I am not buying this. Mr. Coates comes by his “radicalness” honestly. It did not take the death of Prince Jones to turn Mr. Coates into a Black Nationalist author. He was raised with these ideas, and based on what I have heard him say in current interviews, he is also raising his son the same way (this is a shame).

But let’s take him at his word that this one event changed him. Please allow me a point of personal privilege here: I have a good friend (a white person) who is a quadriplegic as a result of being shot during a robbery by black men. I was also personally robbed at gunpoint by black men (in a separate incident) but was more lucky than my friend and lost only money. 

If I were to follow Mr. Coates’s example, I would paint all black Americans with this brush. I would become “radicalized” and henceforth say that all black people are dangerous criminals. Does this make any sense, intellectually or morally? I hope not. 

But when Mr. Coates tells this story, Charlie Rose, David Brooks, David Remnick and Jon Stewart fall over each other to fawn over him. Why are the two examples different? Why is bigotry against white people acceptable when bigotry against blacks is anything but?

As K.W. describes Coates' narrative, he is using anecdotal argument. One bad experience justifies global guilt and punishment. A larger issue is that our democracy asks us to exhibit what the Founders called toleration. The double standard (6) and the emergency (10) allow Coates to violate standards of decency (8).

It's actually worse than that As a commentator relates:

He writes of the police and firefighters who died running into the burning buildings [the twin towers on 911] in a forlorn effort to save all the people whose bodies were about to be obliterated into dust, “They were not human to me. Black, white, or whatever, they were menaces of nature; they were the fire, the comet, the storm, which could — with no justification — shatter my body.” (Emphasis added)

Generalizing from one black policeman to the firefighters who lost their lives trying to save strangers in burning skyscrapers is beyond excuse. Firefighters don't carry guns, carry out arrests, or in any other way commit violence. Coates' extremism should have resulted in a national uproar. The fact that it didn't shows how completely class warfare dogma has corrupted our thinking and eroded our sense of human decency.

 K.W. describes ways in which the double standard (6) even applies to cause and effect:

4. The book’s thesis is perhaps the most troubling part but certainly the most hyperbolic: “Here is what I would like for you to know: In America, it is traditional to destroy the black body—it is heritage.” Here is where the circular logic comes into play. When it is pointed out that the vast majority of black people who are murdered are murdered at the hands of other black people, Mr. Coates conveniently blames even this on White Supremacy. 

For him, it’s as simple as this: there is literally nothing a black person can do wrong that is their fault, in a cosmic sense. Every moral, ethical or legal crime is caused by the effects of White Supremacy. Some people, including myself, characterize this as racism. Denying that black people are capable of being agents of their own life or destiny is the ultimate kind of bigotry.

K.W. describes Coates' abundant false accusation:

5. The white-shaming throughout the book. Mr. Coates seems to think it’s OK to insult all white people in the gravest ways possible. All white people exist on a spectrum that has “benign neglect” and “free rider” on one end and “violent torture murderer” and “slave master” on the other end. All white Americans are guilty; it is only a matter of determining where they fit on that guilt spectrum. 

In Mr. Coates’ world, to wake up white is to wake up a guilty person. This acts as a kind of mirror image to his view of black people, who have no responsibility for anything in Mr. Coates' world.

In a free, democratic society, it is a very serious thing to bear false witness and level false accusations. To repeat, in our politics the determination of guilt, let alone punishment, belongs to the justice system and to the justice system alone (3, 4). Historically, the class warfare ideology has played fast and loose in applying the label, class enemy. For Marx, it was the commercial culture of the emerging modern world. In our contemporary class warfare culture, who is guilty is dependent on your vested interest. If you're a feminist, the oppressor is men. All of them. If you're a minority, it is white folks. All of them. Rules of evidence, due process, and the constraint of applicable law are nowhere on the horizon.



(*) As such, class warfare veers toward mob rule. Here are the constraints which proper justice has and class warfare lacks:

1. Due process
2. Rules of evidence
3. A controlling body of law developed over centuries, which the court must not violate

(**) We're employing an expanded conception of the argumentum ad hominem. Ad hominem usually refers to a demonstration or argument which purports to discredit a proposition by discrediting its author, as in Hitler's dismissal of theories of relativity as "Jewish science." In the larger sense, ad hominem is held to be a fallacy because a person cannot be an argument, either to discredit or to validate. For example, the belief that political democracy is discredited because a great thinker such as Plato said so, is a form of ad hominem. A person is not an argument.

An Example of Class Warfare Lit. Crit.

In Not Out of Africa, Mary Lefkowitz wrote, "Academic freedom is the right to profess a discipline according to its recognized content and procedures, free from constraints and considerations extraneous to that discipline." 

Below, Monika Kothari discusses the Harry Potter heptalogy as if it were the author's responsibility to advance a social objective of hers; namely, providing laudable representations of members of a "class" for political reasons:

Most of us assume that Hermione is white because she is never presented as a racial other.*

This practice of calling for didactic art has an ancient pedigree, as when Plato carped at the world's greatest drama for portraying the amorous shenanigans of the gods, and depicted a utopia which censored the arts in the name of "the right ordering of cities and households."

This sort of motivated criticism is one of the social harms wrought by the undemocratic class warfare paradigm, which is in the business of classifying an "enemy" and roping bystanders into a "struggle." A crabbed and narrow philistine outlook.

Artistic freedom is the right to create a work according to its own shape and vision, free from constraints and considerations extraneous to that vision.


(*) A larger excerpt from Hermione Granger in Harry Potter: Is she white?

Most of us assume that Hermione is white because she is never presented as a racial other. In Western culture, white is the “neutral” race. Rowling is silent about Hermione's race, and we interpret that silence as default whiteness. Of course, by that logic, Rowling's magical society is blindingly white. Harry is white, Tom Riddle is white, Ron and the rest of the Weasley clan are white, Dumbledore and Snape and pretty much all of the Hogwarts professors are white, Sirius and Lupin are white, Neville and Luna are white. There is a handful of Hogwarts students that we generally accept as nonwhite: Cho Chang, Lee Jordan, Angelina Johnson, Dean Thomas, Blaise Zabini, and Parvati and Padma Patil. All of these characters were either explicitly described as nonwhite, or they have “foreign” names that mark them as nonwhite. For example, Cho's race and ethnicity are never mentioned, yet we don't assume that she's white. Why do you suppose that might be? (Note that Lavender Brown's race is a point of confusion. Rowling was similarly silent about her race. She was portrayed by a black actor for the first few films—until she had a major speaking role, and was recast as white. This recasting only further underscores how unreliable the films are as evidence for a character's race.)

The only other explicitly nonwhite character is Kingsley Shacklebolt, the eventual minister of magic. (To me, this is the equivalent of stuffing a legal drama with white characters and casting the trial judge as black. He's an underdeveloped black authority figure, not uncommon in popular culture.) Thus, the wizarding world appears to be a post-racial and colorblind society, one that welcomes people of all racial backgrounds. But it's also conveniently a system in which nonwhite characters are relegated to interchangeable and replaceable background roles, with minimal development and no individual character arcs.

Liberalism and a Culture of Dignity

In The Rise of Victimhood Culture, Conor Friedersdorf notes that sociologists Bradley Campbell and Jason Manning, analyzing an incident at Oberlin, relate that there are cultures of honor, cultures of dignity, and currently, cultures of victimhood. 

The age of duels, for example, disappeared when a culture of honor was superseded by a modern culture of dignity. Campbell and Manning describe culture of honor as a context:

“Honorable people are sensitive to insult, and so they would understand that microaggressions, even if unintentional, are severe offenses that demand a serious response,” they write. “But honor cultures value unilateral aggression and disparage appeals for help. Public complaints that advertise or even exaggerate one’s own victimization and need for sympathy would be anathema to a person of honor.”

Honor is a matter of how one is viewed by others. In a traditional, conservative society one's characteristics are often arrived at by ascription—one's "place," as ascribed by society or tradition. Who one is comes, in effect, from outside. A threat to that assigned or inherited identity can cause one to publicly demand "satisfaction," as in a duel.

The context of dignity culture can be described in terms of a modern, liberal view of the self as an achievement of one's efforts to become what one wants to be. Who one is depends, not on social or other external standards, but on an ethical vision toward which one aspires.* The resolute inner direction of the liberal personality is relatively immune to offense. Thus Campbell and Manning observe:

“Members of a dignity culture, on the other hand, would see no shame in appealing to third parties, but they would not approve of such appeals for minor and merely verbal offenses. Instead they would likely counsel either confronting the offender directly to discuss the issue, or better yet, ignoring the remarks altogether.”

In the liberal Founding, the young nation left behind what Lincoln described when he said that the United States had advanced beyond the Old World order of "classification, caste, and legitimacy."


(*) Hawthorne's The Great Stone Face portrays the effect of a life devoted to an ethical quest.

Your Erroneous Zones

Our national law begins: "We the People." Explain: Which part of the People is the oppressor, and which the oppressed? What rules of evidence, and what due process, were followed to justify this conclusion? 

Class-warfare leftism cannot be fit into a moral order which operates under the Constitution, for the simple reason that class warfare thinking rests on foregone conclusions which preclude the working of justice. (This is the reason class warfare regimes such as the late Soviet Union and present-day North Korea fail at that aspect of justice which we call civil rights.)
 
In the September 2015 issue of The Atlantic Greg Lukianoff writes:

At the University of Delaware, as part of a diversity-focused orientation program, students reported being made to “take a stance” on one side of a room or another, displaying their personal views on polarizing topics such as affirmative action and gay marriage—even if they didn’t yet know where they stood. Such an activity is not only reductive and unscholarly, it is a classic demonstration of the all-or-nothing thinking I had struggled with.

In the name of diversity, the students' instructors engaged in advocacy:

The resident assistants who implemented the program had been given training materials that sought to define racism, and included statements such as “the term [racist] applies to all white people” living in the United States” and “people of color cannot be racists.” While such claims may be good topics for debate, they seem on their face to be examples of several classic cognitive distortions—overgeneralizing, dichotomous thinking, and an inability to disconfirm. Campus leaders seemed to be telling students that they should overgeneralize, personalize, and magnify problems.

The hidden variable here is class-warfare logic. The oppressor, by undiscussed foregone conclusion, is “all white people living in the United States,” and the oppressed is “people of color.” Proceed to deploy sweeping generalizations.

As noted in these pages a year ago, the employment of class-warfare jargon and logic reduces intellectual analysis to identity posturing and partisan rhetoric. It lowers the level of the debate:

These articles in The Atlantic are being given a lot of slack because they play the race card. Part of our bargain with ourselves as citizens of a society which supports equality and tolerance is to subject criticism of certain subjects to heightened scrutiny. But doing so can impede reasonable debate, as in the related case:

American Jewish liberals have been intimidated or censored themselves into silence, which has only made matters worse. The reason is the need to somehow credentialize yourself as “pro-Israel”, and any criticism is immediately interpreted as being “anti-Israel”. That’s essentially a loyalty test that impedes reasonable debate – and is designed to.

The same failure of thought is appearing in the discourse of many prominent figures of the national press (as the previous article in this weblog argued). Helen Andrews, an American writer living in Australia, contends that the Fourth Estate is more or less unconsciously parroting "the most destructive ideology of the twentieth century. ... a fashionable pundit is being praised out of proportion to his talent":

[Substituting] race for class ... [is] ... [Ta-Nehisi] Coates’s ... game. Like the Fanonists of his father’s generation, who cast the Third World in the role of the proletariat, there is something distinctly Marxist about Ta-Nehisi Coates. You can hear it in his harping on “plunder” and exploitation, in his hard-nosed rejection of bourgeois sentimentality, in his conviction that all suffering is the product of some elite class’s self-serving design, and more recently in his aggressive atheism.

If you ever want to send a chill up your own spine, replace “black people” with “the working class” in one of Coates’s angrier effusions. “The Dream rests on the worker’s back, the bedding made from our bodies … The Dreamers accept this as the cost of doing business, accept the bodies of the working class as currency … The worker is naked before the elements of the world, and this nakedness is not an error but the correct and intended result of policy.” It is no coincidence, comrade! This is why the adulation Coates receives from the mainstream press is so disturbing: not because a fashionable pundit is being praised out of proportion to his talent—that happens all the time—but because it proves we have lost our collective antibodies to the most destructive ideology of the twentieth century. Have the Atlantic readers who find “plunder” such an interesting concept never heard the lyrics to “Solidarity Forever”? (“They have taken untold millions that they never toiled to earn …”) Do they not remember how that story ends? (Emphasis added)

"The Newsroom" has argued that clarity and accuracy are critical in the media of a democracy, in order for the people to understand the issues before them. Rhetoric which manufactures distrust and hatred confuses the public's understanding of democratic policy. It impairs people's ability to act justly. It may incite those whose mental health is marginal.

Recently this weblog noted Ta-Nehisi's own words:

Terry Gross, continued:

Ta-Nehisi Coates (On the unjustified shooting of Prince Jones by police): Oh, it was devastating. It totally devastated me. A year later 9/11 happened and I just - I had no compassion. I had none. I was cold. I was absolutely, absolutely cold because they killed him. They killed him, and no one was held accountable. (Emphasis added)

Rich Lowry on the same incident:

His monstrous passage about 9/11 is a good summation of where he’s coming from. He writes of the police and firefighters who died running into the burning buildings in a forlorn effort to save all the people whose bodies were about to be obliterated into dust, “They were not human to me. Black, white, or whatever, they were menaces of nature; they were the fire, the comet, the storm, which could — with no justification — shatter my body.” (Emphasis added)

Really? Firefighters go about shattering the bodies of black people without justification? One doesn’t read about, say, Anthony Rodriguez, 36, father of six, whose last child was born days after he died in the attack, who joined the Navy before becoming a firefighter, who coached youth basketball, and naturally think of the depredations of white America.

Coates does. This isn’t an act of moral discernment on his part, but a willful effacement of the individuality of Rodriguez and anyone Coates deems part of the impersonal apparatus determined to dispossess blacks.

Under the principles of justice—“By the known rules of ancient liberty,” as John Milton wrote—all are human. We should condemn extreme rhetoric which suggests otherwise as forcefully as we condemn racism or any other crime against humanity. That an outlook which unashamedly proclaims, “They were not human to me” continues to be praised by "progressive" journalists is unacceptable.

To declare that it is open season to discriminate against any group is a reprehensible act of prejudice.

Concerning the Ta-Nehisi-ist Protest of the Bernie Sanders Rally in Seattle

Charles Mudede, a native of Africa who works for The Stranger in Seattle, has an evenhanded, judicious evaluation of a Black Lives Matter protest which prevented Presidential candidate Bernie Sanders from being heard, in his own rally, in Seattle. What happened at the rally, as reported by Jim Brunner of The Seattle Times:

At Westlake, Sanders was just starting to address the crowd, thanking Seattle for being “one of the most progressive cities in the United States of America.”

That’s as far as he got before two women walked onstage and grabbed the microphone.

“If you do not listen … your event will be shut down,” one of the protesters told organizers, who offered to let them speak after Sanders. After a back and forth with the screaming protesters, organizers relented and said the demonstrators could go first.

Some in the largely white audience booed and chanted for protesters to let the senator talk. A few yelled for police to make arrests.

Marissa Johnson, one of the protesters, shot back, “I was going to tell Bernie how racist this city is, filled with its progressives, but you did it for me,” accusing the audience of “white supremacist liberalism.” (Empasis added)

Mudede's response:

[Concerning] the August 8 disruption of the Social Security and Medicare rally in Westlake Park by Black Lives Matter activists Marissa Johnson and Mara Willaford. ...

I was unnerved by the manner in which Johnson and Willaford took command of the mic during the rally. The screaming was so heated, so shrill, that I found it to be more abusive than productive. I have to  be honest about this. I do not believe such extreme expressions have any place in a democratic event.  ...

I disagree with the BLM action not because Bernie Sanders marched with Martin Luther King Jr. and  therefore clearly paid his not-a-racist dues and should be left alone by black activists. ... My  point is simply that, as imperfect as Sanders is, and as imperfect as white progressives are in this city, it still makes more political sense to form alliances with them rather than risk isolation. As  much as I may agree with the content of Johnson and Willaford's disruption, its context (an event that was not for Sanders but for a very important issue that affects millions of black Americans) and  its brazen disrespect clearly closed rather than opened a lot of people to the BLM cause.

True, some of the people who booed Johnson and Willaford were likely racist, but many were simply  upset by what they perceived, with good reason, as arrogant behavior. The event had been happening for hours, and it had taken months to organize and promote. Speakers knew well in advance the amount of time they were allotted to express their concerns. Then, suddenly, two people break out of nowhere, take the mic, and appear by their actions to claim that their cause is far more important, more pressing than the one many had come to support. This, I'm sorry, is going to rub a lot of people  the wrong way—and not because they are racist but because they are human. Rudely jumping the line rarely excites cheers and applause in any of the colors of our kind.

To censor your opponent tends to legitimize the censorship of your own attempts to be heard; and this was de facto censorship of Senator Sanders and the cause for which he speaks. It deprived the people who attended the rally of information they had every right to hear.

This raises the question, Is liberal political democracy itself "white supremacy," a "white supremacist system that we will tear down," according to BLM-Seattle? What is the limit to what the protesters want? What is the limit to what they would do? Is there an agenda that any sane person could support?

Ta-Nehisi Coates, the loudest voice behind "white supremacy" ideology, has said:

[Jeffrey] Goldberg asked what [Ta-Nehisi Coates] would do if he were in [Mitch] Landrieu’s position — surely there was something, “I don’t know what I’d do if I were mayor, but I could tell you what I’d do if I was king.” [Ta-Nehisi Coates would] let criminals out of prison, he said. “And, by the way, I include violent criminals in that.” Goldberg asked what he meant by “violent.” “Gun crime, too,” Coates said. (Emphasis added)

 Ta-Nehisi has never bothered to define "white supremacy"—it appears to be an all-purpose condemnation of everybody, and everything which is done in his country that isn't black—but he has said that it includes "plunder," and "plunder" includes, as this passage from Between the World and Me states:

But the Dreamers have improved themselves, and the damming of seas for voltage, the extraction of coal, the transmuting of oil into food, have enabled an expansion in plunder with no known precedent. And this revolution has freed the Dreamers to plunder not just the bodies of humans but the body of the Earth itself.

Do you realize what Ta-Nehisi has just said? Mining for minerals and drilling for gas and oil are characteristic of the white lust for plunder. The claim is so absurd as to be incomprehensible. Every nation on earth which can do so, does these things. And the majority of them are not white.

It isn't Ta-Nehisi and his shrieking followers who are inexcusable. It is those members of the Fourth Estate whose fawning abject praise collaborates with evil.

In The Radical Chic of Ta-Nehisi Coates, Carlos Lozada writes:

In an America consumed by debates over racism, police violence and domestic terror, it is Coates to whom so many of us turn to affirm, challenge or, more often, to mold our views from the clay. Among public intellectuals in the U.S., writes media critic Jay Rosen, he’s the man now. When the Confederate battle flag on the statehouse grounds in Columbia, S.C., seemed the only thing the news media could discuss, my Washington Post colleague Ishaan Tharoor put it simply: Just shut up and read @tanehisicoates. These days, you hear many variations on that advice.

Coates is more than the writer whose thinking and focus best match the moment. With his 2014 Atlantic cover essay on The Case for Reparations, which explores the brutal U.S. history of redlining and housing discrimination, and now with the critical rapture surrounding his new book, Between the World and Me, he has become liberal America’s conscience on race. Did you read the latest Ta-Nehisi Coates piece? is shorthand for Have you absorbed and shared the latest and best and correct thinking on racism, white privilege, institutional violence and structural inequality? If you don’t have the time or inclination or experience to figure it out yourself, you outsource it to Ta-Nehisi Coates.

Lozada names names:

“Between the World and Me is, in important ways, a book written toward white Americans, and I say this as one of them,” writes Slate critic Jack Hamilton. “White Americans may need to read this book more urgently and carefully than anyone, and their own sons and daughters need to read it as well.”

In one of the earliest assessments, New Yorker editor David Remnick described “Between the World and Me” as an“extraordinary” book and likened Coates to James Baldwin. (Actually, everyone else has, too.) Reviewers have hailed it as “a classic of our time” (Publishers Weekly), “something to behold” (The Washington Post), “a love letter written in a moral emergency” (Slate) and “precisely the document this country needs right now” (the New Republic). This is more than admiration. It is an affirmation of enlightenment. New York Times film critic A.O. Scott went as far as one could go, calling Coates’s writing  “essential, like water or air.” Yes, we cannot live without Ta-Nehisi Coates.

In Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows, Ted Tonks tells the credulous, "[if you believe that] you deserve to be lied to."

Lozada suggests that Ta-Nehisi's feckless admirers praise Ta-Nehisi and his viciously morally-righteous absurdities precisely because they are so off-the-wall that there is no danger of their coming to pass. As we suggested in our own comparison of the Ta-Nehisi fad to "radical chic" three months ago, the phenomenon is largely the plaything of elites, quoting Wikipedia, "who endorsed leftist radicalism merely to affect worldliness, assuage white guilt, or garner prestige, rather than to affirm genuine political convictions."

Lozada asks,

What does such veneration—especially from a news media that Coates has attacked as indifferent to black America or inclined to view black America as a criminal justice problem—mean for Coates's arguments about the enduring influence of white supremacy? Does the praise disprove him, or to the contrary, does it only suggest that, in an age when liberal elites line up to lament their white privilege, the structures of inequality are resilient enough to accommodate, even glorify, this most radical critic?

But as the Seattle incident above shows, this trashing by a privileged elite of our deepest values and our most fundamental beliefs influences a lot of people who aren't in on the joke. "[It] is toxic. It poisons the national conversation and culture," as Aaron Sorkin has argued. "Fie on virtue" is a call that many are always ready to answer. It has already turned a Seattle event, which should have exemplified democracy in action, into a riot.